Tirana Municipality is entering a new phase of administrative blockage, as Anuela Ristani’s departure from the post of acting mayor once again returns the institution to the signature of Erion Veliaj, even though he is in pre-trial detention. According to the legal interpretation cited in the debate, the elected mayor may exercise the function even from his cell, but in practice this is expected to translate into delays, additional bureaucratic steps and more uncertainty for the city.

The signature remains with the mayor, even from pre-trial detention
According to lawyers involved in the public discussion, the law does not prevent Erion Veliaj from continuing to perform the duty of mayor of Tirana even while in pre-trial detention. This means administrative acts may be sent to him for signature in the detention facility, through the secretary general or the municipality’s legal structures.
Lawyer Arbr Hoxha argues that this situation was expected after the return to office and that, in formal terms, the lack of freedom does not make the exercise of the function impossible. However, this very mechanism raises serious questions about the pace and efficiency of decision-making in the country’s largest local institution.
Without delegation, every decision passes through the cell
The main problem, according to lawyer Indrit Sefa, is tied to the fact that Veliaj has not authorized any of the deputy mayors. Under these conditions, every act issued by Tirana Municipality must go to the Durrs pre-trial detention facility to be signed and then returned for registration.
According to this interpretation, the deputy mayors and directors may continue day-to-day work in line with the institution’s structure, but they cannot represent the municipality before third parties. This effectively narrows the decision-making chain to a single signature, at a time when the municipality faces daily operational needs.
Lawyers speak of non-normal municipal activity
Sefa describes the situation as one in which Tirana Municipality is not carrying out normal activity. He refers to Article 64 of the law on local self-government, according to which the municipality’s administrative activities are carried out by the mayor, with the exception of the competencies of the municipal council.
Until the moment when Anuela Ristani was exercising acting leadership, the institution had a temporary solution for representation. With the end of that delegation, the administrative and representative burden returns once again to Veliaj, including the relationship with meetings of the Municipal Council.
Debate over the security measure and the cost for citizens
In this debate, the issue has also been raised of whether the current security measure is producing direct consequences for the administration of the city. Hoxha assesses that a lighter measure, such as an obligation to appear, would be more appropriate so long as, according to him, the investigations have been completed and the evidence can no longer be damaged.
This is a position expressed by the legal defense and not a court decision. Meanwhile, beyond the procedural debate, the problem remains political and institutional: citizens are faced with a municipality where the law may allow formal continuity, but not necessarily normal day-to-day functioning.
On paper, the mechanism of signing from pre-trial detention can be kept standing. In practice, it leaves Tirana Municipality dependent on prolonged procedures and on remote leadership that can hardly be called normal for administering the capital.
This is precisely where the essence of the deadlock lies: not whether the signature can be given, but how much it costs the city to have an institution operating with decisions that travel back and forth to a jail cell.
